{"data":[{"id":"0d32295d-3e28-4f04-974c-7b7374839674","type":"articles","attributes":{"title":"‘Not many Bookes’? Persian Literary Culture in Early Modern European Travel Writing","slug":"not-many-bookes-persian-literary-culture-in-early-modern-european-travel-writing","body":"

An armchair traveller from early modern England, reading about travels to Islamic countries, if they were attentive, would learn that printing with movable type was not yet common there. The reader who opened a copy of Purchas his pilgrimage (1626) or Giovanni Botero’s Relations of the most famous kingdomes and common-wealths (1611) would have been told that the Turks ‘will suffer no Printing’;[1] ‘have no Printing’;[2] ‘vse no printing’.[3] And if they turned to travel books about Persia, the reader would notice a similar series of comments on the absence of printing and the printed book in that country. If they came across the account of William Parry, one of the retinue of men and officers who accompanied Anthony Sherley on his journey to Persia in 1598, our reader would get the impression that a lack of printing in Persia was part of a larger state of ignorance. In A new and large discourse of the travels of Sir Anthony Sherley, knight, by sea, and over land, to the Persian empire (1601), Parry writes:

They [the Persians] haue not many Bookes, much lesse great Libraries amongst their best Clarkes. They are no learned nation, but ignorant in all kinde of liberall or learned Sciences, and almost of all other Arts and Faculties, except it be in certaine things pertaining to horses furniture, and some kindes of carpettings and silke workes, wherein they excell.[4]

A later seventeenth-century reader, picking up an English-language book about travels to Persia, would find it hard to avoid comments on the lack of printing in that country. Adam Olearius, the German mathematician and scholar who travelled to Persia in 1637, and whose account of his travels was translated into English in 1669, states that the Persians ‘have not as yet […] the use of Printing, as we have in Europe.’[5] Jean Chardin, a French traveller who visited Persia in the 1660s and 1670s, is more fulsome. He writes that:

[The Persians] have desired a hundred times to have Printing-Houses; they acknowledge the Usefulness and Necessity of them; they see the Advantages and the Profit of them; yet no body undertakes to set up one. The Brother of the Great Master, who was a very Learned Man, and the King’s Favourite, would have engaged me, in the Year 1676, to send for Workmen to teach them that Ingenious Art: He showed His Majesty the Arabick and Persian Printed Books I had given him; whereupon a Contract was made; but when they have laid down the Money, all was broke off.[6]

In Asia. being an accurate description of Persia (1673), the Scottish geographer John Ogilby, who included an atlas and description of Persia in his book, remarks that the Persians are ‘utterly ignorant in the Art of Printing’.[7] John Fryer, who perhaps had more detailed knowledge of Persia, having undertaken a long tour of Persia and India between 1672 and 1682 in the interests of the East India Company,[8] notes in A new account of East-India and Persia (1698) that in Persia ‘[b]ooks are all written with the Pen […], not committed to the Press’.[9]

These later seventeenth-century travellers by and large do not follow Parry’s association between a lack of printed books and a lack of learning and knowledge. In fact, they discuss education, learning and the importance of books in Persian culture in some detail. Crucially, they also demonstrate a greater awareness of the presence of a rich manuscript book culture in Persia. The French gem merchant Jean-Baptiste Tavernier, who undertook six voyages to Persia and India between 1630 and 1668, states in his own record of travels through Persia that ‘Their nobler Arts are Writing, for Printers they know none. All their Books are writt’n, which is the reason they so much esteem that Art.’[10] Not only does Tavernier not repeat the assertion that a lack of printing or printed books is associated with a lack of knowledge, but he directly states that it results in a more developed and respected art of writing by hand.

What sense, then, would the later seventeenth-century English reader get of book culture in Persia? It might not have been immediately obvious, but when European travel-writers mention seeing Persian books, or encountering people reading books, it is usually handwritten texts that they are describing. The manuscript text was everywhere in Persia, and it was highly prized and respected. As Susan Mokhberi notes, French travellers such as Jean Chardin praised Persians ‘as beacons of learning and civility’; Chardin records that ‘many peasants themselves go to read good books’.[11] In Asia, Ogilby writes that ‘Their chief Book is […] Culustan [Gulistān], that is, Rose-Valley, made by the famous Poet Schich Saadi, […] every Persian hath this Book in his House’; he notes that ‘[books of philosophy are rare and kept] as a great Treasure’.[12]

At other times, the reader would get a fleeting but powerful image of the importance of manuscript culture in Persia. Olearius describes encountering a library where:

The books were lay’d in Drawers, shuffled one upon another, without any order, but otherwise well enough kept. They were all Manuscripts, some, upon Parchment, others upon Paper, most in Arabick, and some in the Persian and Turkish Languages, but all excellently painted, richly bound, and cover’d with Plates of Gold and Silver, carv’d, and branch’d. The books of History were enrich’d with several representations in colours.[13]

Fryer speculates that Persian books, being in manuscript, are more accurate than they would be if printed, which are ‘less free from Errors’, suggesting one way in which handwritten texts might be valued over printed ones.[14] These sources also note the prestige accorded to the scribe, Ogilby recording in a marginal note that ‘Writing [is] the most advantageous Employment’,[15] and the importance of handwriting as an art form, Fryer, for example, explaining that the Persians are ‘mightily taken with a fair Hand and good Writing’.[16] In this way, our reader would gain some understanding of the richness of manuscript culture in Persian society.

The alert reader might also pick up on the importance of orality and oral culture in Persian life. Ogilby, in noting the ubiquity of books in Persia, also records the Persian tradition of learning poetry by heart: ‘every Persian hath this Book in his House; nay, some there are which carry it in their memory, and are therefore accounted very learned; this they repeat at all Feasts and other Merry-meetings.’[17] Olearius, who calls the Persians ‘addicted to Poetry’, explains that ‘the Great Lords think they cannot give their Friends a better entertainment, than by Diverting them, while they are at Dinner, with the recital of some Poem’.[18] In a fascinating image of literary production, he describes Persian poets, who

are known from others by their Habit, which is the same with that of the Philosophers; to wit, a long white Coat, but open before, with great broad Sleeves, and they have at their Girdle a kind of a Hawking-bag, in which are their Books, Paper, and an Ink-horn, that they may give Copies of their verses to such as desire them.[19]

Via these glimpses into the richness of early modern Persian culture, an English reader might have been able to gain a more detailed picture of Persian textual production, one that reflected the strength of manuscript and oral traditions in that country, and which gave the lie to a perception of Persia as having, whether through ignorance of learning or of technology, ‘not many Bookes’.

Chloë Houston is Associate Professor and joint Head of the Department of English Literature at the University of Reading. She works on the portrayal of cultural encounter and religious difference in early modern travel writing and drama, and her most recent book, Persia in Early Modern English Drama, 1530-1699: The Imagined Empire, was published by Palgrave Macmillan in 2023.

[1] Samuel Purchas, Purchas his pilgrimage (1626), p. 320.

[2] Giovanni Botero, Relations of the most famous kingdomes and common-wealths (1611), p. 525.

[3] Michel Baudier, The history of the imperiall estate of the grand seigneurs their habitations, liues, titles ... gouernment and tyranny (1593), p. 15.

[4] William Parry, A New and Large Discourse of the Travels of Anthony Sherley (1601), p. 24.

[5] Adam Olearius, The voyages and travells of the ambassadors sent by Frederick, Duke of Holstein, to the Great Duke of Muscovy and the King of Persia, trans. by John Davies (1669), p. 272.

[6] Jean Chardin, Sir John Chardin’s travels in Persia: with an introduction by Brigadier-General Sir Percy Sykes (London: The Argonaut Press, 1927), p. 249, quoted in Izadpanah 2023, p. 81.

[7] John Ogilby, Asia. being an accurate description of Persia (1673), p. 64.

[8] G. Goodwin and P. Carter, ‘Fryer, John (d. 1733), traveller and writer,’ Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (2004, September 23) Retrieved 23 July 2024, from https://www.oxforddnb.com/view/10.1093/ref:odnb/9780198614128.001.0001/odnb-9780198614128-e-10219.

[9] John Fryer, A new account of East-India and Persia (1698), p. 361.

[10] Jean-Baptiste Tavernier, Collections of travels through Turky into Persia (1684), p. 229.

[11] Susan Mokhberi, The Persian Mirror: French Reflections of the Safavid Empire in Early Modern France (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019), p. 19, p. 18.

[12] Ogilby 1673, p. 60.

[13] Olearius 1669, p. 179.

[14] Fryer 1698, p. 361.

[15] Ogilby 1673, p. 64.

[16] Fryer 1698, p. 369.

[17] Ogilby 1673, p. 60.

[18] Olearius 1669, p. 251.

[19] Olearius 1669, p. 251.

Title Image: From John Ogilby's Asia. being an accurate description of Persia, and the several provinces thereof (1673)

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This blog post is the third part of a four-part series on Ḥayy ibn Yaqdhān. Click to read Part One and Part Two.

The early modern reception of Ḥayy in England took various directions. It was reused in Christian theology and polemics between Quakers and Anglicans, in modern science as epistemic justification for experimentalism, in pedagogy, in discussion about human relations to other animal and vegetal worlds, and in fiction writing. These translations of a text initially anchored in an Islamic scientific milieu resulted in the repurposing of Islamic and Quranic references. Given these reappropriations, the question I asked myself when seeing the manuscript marginalia (see Part 1 of the blog series) was why had the Qur’ān been specifically marked out? And at what point were Islamic and Quranic references excised or redirected? What were the reasons and objectives pursued and the methodologies employed? A close comparison between the four translations is in order so as to be able to answer these questions.

Edward Pococke (the younger) prepared a bi-lingual Arabic-Latin translation titled Philosophus autodidactus, sive Epistola Abi Jaafar Ebn Tophail de Hai Ebn Yokdhan published in 1671, and a second edition appeared in 1700. Pococke kept Ibn Ṭufayl’s preface, in which the author had exposed the theological and philosophical underpinnings of his tale, in relation with the schools of al-Farābī, Ibn Sīnā, al-Ghazālī and Ibn Rushd in particular. Pococke also reproduced the references of the Qur’ān which his father had left in the margins of ‘Risālah Ḥayy ibn Yaqzān’ (MS Pococke 263).

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Image 9. Edward Pococke Philosophus autodidactus (1671), example of a marginal annotation indicating the reference to the Qur’ān and which the son had taken from the Arabic manuscript of the father.

On Image 9, the reference to sūra al-Anfāl (*Cap. Al-Anphal) is clearly visible in the margin, with the addition in the main text of ‘in Textu * Alcorani’, which does not appear in the Arabic original. Such marginal notes are visible in other places in the book, namely:

♦ Alc. c. Ghafer [sūra al-Ghāfir] (p. 115, p. 156)

♦ Alc. c. AlKesas [sūra al-Qaṣaṣ] (p. 116)

♦ Alc. c. Altacwir &, c. Alkareah [sūra al-Takwīr & al-Qāri‘a] (p. 172)

♦ Alc. c. 83, fc. al-Tafif & c 2’ [sūra al-Muṭaffifīn] (p. 195)

♦ Alc. c. AlNur & c. Miriam [sūra al-Nūr and sūra Marīam] (p. 196).

This list of Quranic references is far from being complete. However, it served as a canvas from which subsequent translators would work. The passages quoted from the Qur’ān and translated into Latin are as follows:

♦ *Cap. Al-Anphal [sūra al-Anfāl] (p. 96): Ego sum auditus ejus per quem audit, & visus ejus per quem videt, & in Textu Alcorani, Vos non interemistis cos sed Deus interemit, & Tu non projecisti, sed Deus projecit

♦ Alc. c. Ghafer [sūra al-Ghāfir] (p. 115): Esto & est

♦ Alc. c. AlKesas [sūra al-Qaṣaṣ] (p. 116): omnia percunt prater cum

♦ Alc. c. Ghafer [sūra al-Ghāfir] (p. 156): Cui nunc est regnu? Uni Omnipotenti Deo

♦ Alc. c. Altacwir &, c. Alkareah [sūra al-Takwīr & al-Qāri’a] (p. 172): & de movedis montibus, ut fiant instar lanae, & homies [fiant] tanquam pyrallides, & de obscuratione Solis & Lunae, & eruptione marium die illo quo terra in iliam terram nutabitu, & coeli, fimiliter

♦ Alc. c. 83, fc. al-Tafif & c 2’ [sūra al-Muṭaffifīn] (p. 195): Obruit cos stultitta, & quod quarebant ipsorum corda instar rubiginis occupavit; Deus corda auresa ipsorum obsignavit, oculisa coru obversatur caligo & manet cos poena magna

♦ Alc. c. AlNur & c. Miriam [sūra al-Nūr and sūra Marīam] (p. 196): & hac omni tenebra sunt alia super aliis in profundo mari, nec quisquam vestrum est, qui illuc non ingreditur, nam ita fiat fixum Domini decretum

This elementary reference system makes the Qur’ān more conspicuous than it would have been in the original. Such signposting is all the more surprising since the translator acknowledged at the end of his preface:

Supervacaneum est ut moneam verba quælibet ex Alcorano desumpta , licet sensum aliquando & orationis seriem perturbent, elegantiæ loco haberi apud Mohammedanos , ut & apud Judæos è textu Biblico aut Talmude adducta. Aliqua hujusmodi citatis locis in margine notavimus, alia facilè percipiet Lector. (n.p.)

[It is needless to warn you that any words taken from the Koran, although they sometimes disturb the sense and sequence of the narrative, are held as elegant intrusions among the Mohammedans, as the Jews would do with the Bible or the Talmud. Some of the quoted passages we have indicated in the margins, others will be easily perceived by the reader]

If the scholar reading in Latin is expected to be able to recognise a passage taken from the Qur’ān when he sees one, why have these references been inserted, even more so since the Qur’ān had just been described as disruptive of the meaning and development of the diegesis? The reason for signposting the Qur’ān cannot therefore be intra-diegetic but must be extra-diegetic, namely having to do with something other than the text itself. One of the potential extra-diegetic reasons could be a theological interest in the Qur’ān and more generally an indication of the scripturally-based nature of orientalist research in seventeenth-century England.

Yet, given the sparsity of notes in total it would be surprising to imagine that orientalists would turn to the tale in order to gain knowledge of the Qur’ān. We may imagine two scenarios. First scenario, Ḥayy ibn Yaqdhān is used by orientalists as a reading exercise in classical Arabic and one part of the exercise was to recognise and reference Quranic passages inserted in the tale. As such, interest in the Qur’ān would be here purely philological.

The second scenario is to imagine, given that these Quranic passages were declared unfitting adornments, therefore not only unnecessary but also unbecoming, these underlined passages constitute an intermediary stage before their excisions. Excising the Qur’ān was a way to separate genres which, according to the orientalist, had been unduly mixed, and domesticating/familiarising the tale (to borrow from Lawrence Venuti’s terminology) by divesting it of its Islamic contents. The ambition would have been to de-Islamicise the text so as to be able to reuse it more easily in any of the directions mentioned before – as a work of fantasy, as a work in natural sciences, and so on. And this is precisely what this Latin translation allows with the subsequent translations from Latin into English by George Keith and George Ashwell. Simon Ockley, I would argue, returns the Qur’ān and Islamic theology to the tale but not as an element to be theologically engaged with, rather as a phenomenon to be anthropologically observed and investigated. All this to be further investigated in the fourth and final post of this blog series.

Further reading

Attar, Samar. 2007. The Vital Roots of European Enlightenment: Ibn Tufayl’s Influence on Modern Western Thought. Lanham, MD.: Lexington Books.

Ben-Zaken, Avner. Reading Ḥayy Ibn Yaqẓān. A Cross-Cultural Reading of Autodidacticism. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2011.

Conrad, Lawrence I., ed. The World of Ibn Ṭufayl. Interdisciplinary Perspectives on Ḥayy Ibn Yaqẓān, Leiden: Brill, 1996.

Daiber, Hans. ‘The Reception of Islamic Philosophy at Oxford in the 17th Century. The Pococks’ (father and son) Contribution to the Understanding of Islamic Philosophy in Europe’, in The Introduction of Arabic Philosophy into Europe, edited by Charles E. Butterworth and B. A. Kesel, 65-82. Leiden: Brill, 1994.

Elmarsafy, Ziad. The Enlightenment Qur’an. The Politics of Translation and the Construction of Islam. Oxford: Oneworld, 2009.

Elmarsafy, Ziad. ‘Philosophy Self-Taught: Reason, Mysticism, and the Uses of Islam in the Early Enlightenment’, in L’Islam visto da Occidente: Cultura e religione del Seicento europeo di fronte all’Islam, edited by Bernard Heyberger et al. Genoa: Marietti, 2009.

Gallien, Claire and Louisiane Ferlier, ‘”Enthusiastick” Uses of an Oriental Tale: The English Translations of Ibn Tufayl’s Hayy ibn Yaqdhan in the Eighteenth Century’, in Eastern Resonances in Early-Modern England, edited by Claire Gallien and Ladan Niayesh. New
York: Palgrave, 2019, p. 93-114.

Gallien, Claire, ‘Orientalist Pococke: Brokering Across Borders, Disciplines and Genres’, in The Internationalization of Cultural Exchange in a Globalizing Europe, 1636-1780, edited by Robert Mankin. Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell UP, 2017, p. 1-30.

Gallien, Claire, From Corpus to Canon: Appropriations and Reconfigurations of Eastern Literary Traditions in Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century Britain (contracted with Oxford University Press, forthcoming).

Gutas, Dimitri. ‘Ibn Ṭufayl on Ibn Sīnā’s Eastern philosophy’, Oriens 34 (1994): 222-241.

Kukkonen, Taneli. ‘No Man is an Island. Nature and Neo-Platonic Ethics in Ḥayy Ibn Yaqẓān’, Journal of the History of Philosophy 46.2 (2008): 187–204.

Hasanali, Parveen. ‘Texts, Translators, Transmission: “Hayy Ibn Yaqzan” and its Reception in Muslim, Judaic and Christian Milieux’. PhD diss., McGill University, 1995.

Kershner, Jon R. Quakers and Mysticism: Comparative and Syncretic Approaches. New York: Palgrave, 2019.

Kukkonen, Taneli. ‘Ḥayy Ibn Yaqẓān’, in Oxford Handbook of Islamic Philosophy, edited by Sabine Schmidtke and Khaled El Rouayheb, 233-254. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017.

Loop, Jan. ‘Divine Poetry? Early Modern European Orientalists on the Beauty of the Koran’, Church History and Religious Culture 89.4 (2009): 455-488.

Randazzo, Christy and David Russell. ‘The Unifying Light of Allah: Ibn Tufayl and Rufus Jones in Dialogue’, in Quakers and Mysticism: Comparative and Syncretic Approaches, edited by Jon R. Kershner. New York: Palgrave, 2019, p. 161-180.

Russell, G. A. ‘The Impact of the Philosophus Autodidacus: Pococke, John Locke and the Society of Friends’. in The ‘Arabick’ Interest of the Natural Philosophers in Seventeenth-Century England, edited by G. A. Russell, 224-265. Leiden: Brill, 1993.

Suggested Chicago Style Citation: Claire Gallien, \"Ḥayy ibn Yaqdhān and the Disappearing Qur’ān - Part 3 – From Manuscript to Print,\" MEMOrients Blog, June 26, 2023 <https://memorients.com/articles/%E1%B8%A5ayy-ibn-yaqdh%C4%81n-and-the-disappearing-qur%C4%81n-part-3-%E2%80%93-from-manuscript-to-print>

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The research conducted by the author in the Islamic Collections of the Bodleian Library was generously funded by the Bahari Visiting Fellowship in the Persian Arts of the Book.

The author is currently working on an article to be submitted to the international academic journal Philological Encounters (Brill) on the same topic.

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